World News: National Assembly Suffers Defeat, Macron Counters to Block Extremists

French President Emmanuel Macron's decision to dissolve the National Assembly, paves the way for a power grab by the National Rally, and can be interpreted as a political tactic aimed at discrediting the extremist party once it assumes power.

Many, and legitimately, wonder about the reasons that led the President of the Republic to dissolve the National Assembly after the announcement of the results of the European elections which confirmed the rout of the presidential majority.


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The desire to re-establish a clear majority within the national representation, at the risk of seeing it entrusted by the voters to the National Assembly, the desire to breathe new life into the democratic life of the nation after the semi-failure of the 2022 legislative elections following the re-election of Emmanuel Macron, are all elements, along with others certainly, at the origin of the Head of State's decision.

However, a less mentioned one, if at all, could emerge in the coming days, a reason imbued with a Florentine Machiavellianism and a cynicism that would be just as much and which would consist in discrediting the National Assembly. An explanation is necessary.

Cynicism and Machiavellianism

The far-right party, which unbelievably called for the dissolution of the National Assembly in the event of victory in the European election, has finally been caught in its own trap, forced as it is now, just like the other political parties, to organize itself with a view to imminent elections.


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By taking Marine Le Pen's party from the rear, the President of the Republic is thus sending the latter back to his responsibilities but also to the possibility of exercising power and therefore the institutional and political need to prove himself. And this is where all the cynicism of the situation would emerge.

By taking the risk, which is therefore calculated, of appointing a Prime Minister from the ranks of the far-right party, the President of the Republic would expose him to all the torments of office and power in its general form, obliged to assume the government of France as required by the Constitution and no longer, an easy position devoid of any responsibility, to bark or criticize the actions of those who have to manage the affairs of the state. In the end, the bet would be summed up in a highly political logic, namely: let's leave the far right in power so that it can demonstrate by actions and in fact its incompetence to manage the state as well as the inanity of its program.

The gamble, recognized by all as risky, would therefore aim to discredit the far-right party overwhelmed by the weight of a complex state and by responsibilities that it has never assumed, except at the local level with the results it is known for.


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Pandora's Box

However, the game initiated by the President of the Republic, which nevertheless puts the future of a country of 66.6 million citizens on the table, has more than dangerous aspects because opening the way to the far right, even if the experiment ends pitifully, creates a precedent. To date, while the political staffs are embarking on multiple negotiations and alliances (including the National Rally, thus proving that it is no different from other political parties while it claims to have a unique difference), it is indeed the future of the country that is being played out over two rounds of voting on 30 June and 7 July.

By dissolving the National Assembly, Emmanuel Macron knows how to open Pandora's Box, aware that the results of the elections could either strengthen him with a new absolute majority or very close to it or leave the keys of power to the National Rally.

The leap into the void that the arrival of the far right in power would represent would propel France, and not only it, on a path of unknown contours and path. The immense risk was therefore taken by the President of the Republic, with a result of all or nothing. And the bank is ready to jump!


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Bio: Olivier Longhi has extensive experience in European history. A seasoned journalist with fifteen years of experience, he is currently professor of history and geography in the Toulouse region of France. He has held a variety of publishing positions, including Head of Agency and Chief of Publishing. A journalist, recognized blogger, editor, and editorial project manager, he has trained and managed editorial teams, worked as a journalist for various local radio stations, a press and publishing consultant, and a communications consultant.

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