World News: French Prime Minister Elizabeth Borne and The Political Divide

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Faced with an unprecedented situation with regard to its composition, the National Assembly and the presidential majority will have to get used to defending each text and each law by playing by a new rule: compromise.

So dear to our transalpine friends. Explanations. What is there in common between the turbulent Italian Republic and ours? To this day, let us concede that apart from the nature of the regimes and their functioning, there were few similarities.


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A President of the Council for a Prime Minister on the other, a President of the Republic with consultative power on the one hand for a President of the Republic with almost unlimited powers on the other hand. Brief! Similarities of first cousins.

Thus, the first, regularly subjected to government crises, sees MPs abandon the confidence placed in one majority in favor of another, leading to the irremediable fall of the government in place. For the second, the stability of successive governments is the result of my firmly anchored majorities which give the power in place a margin of maneuver equal to the current mandate unless a motion of censure, which is not improbable, but often doomed to failure.

However, while yet another government crisis is brewing in Italy, the France is tending, through the results of the general elections last June, to move closer to a form of Italianization of its parliamentary functioning.


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Credibility and Stability

With the multiplication of opposition parties within the National Assembly and the relative majority of Elisabeth Borne's Government, it now seems obvious that the Government in question finds itself on the razor's edge with each text presented, playing its credibility on each law because it depends on a new notion within the hemicycle: compromise.

To argue that this is totally new would be wrong because the corridors of the Assembly are rustling with deaf or tacit alliances that have allowed the multiple majorities and governments of yesterday and today to pass their laws without hindrance. However, it seems that the compromise will be played out properly in the Hemicycle, vote by vote, MEP by Member.


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French political life, so soothing by the passé, has suddenly become one of the most nervous and tense in Europe because of the new electoral configuration. It would therefore not be surprising in the coming term of office if government crises and motions of censure upset an assembly that had long been dormant in the comfort of its stability.

Mocked for its unpredictable and totally ludicrous aspect, the Italian Republic, and it is not the only one, then poses as a form of operating model in the face of a French Republic which has little taste for political fantasy. And yet! It will be necessary to get used to the fact that the National Assembly is agitated by coalitions of circumstances, first by virtue of the general interest, then for the sake of the functioning of the State.

It remains to be seen whether this new trend will revive the democratic fervor of a country where nearly half of the electorate no longer goes to the polls and where the discrediting of the parties and political staff pushes the remaining voters to turn to ers the extremes, as little credible or competent otherwise. And the future to say, as often, whether the France and its Republic will be able to go beyond a visibly obsolete mode of operation.


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Bio: Olivier Longhi has extensive experience in European history. A seasoned journalist with fifteen years of experience, he is currently professor of history and geography in the Toulouse region of France. He has held a variety of publishing positions, including Head of Agency and Chief of Publishing. A journalist, recognized blogger, editor, and editorial project manager, he has trained and managed editorial teams, worked as a journalist for various local radio stations, a press and publishing consultant, and a communications consultant.

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